This is the translation of a brochure published by the Platform for Rights and Freedom (Haklar ve ÖzgÜrlÜkler Platformu) in Turkey. The Platform for Rights and Freedom is a cooperation between many democratic organisations like Newspapers, magazines, unions, civil-servantorganisations, youth-federations and committee’s of poor people. It is not possible for the platform to exist within a legal framework but its exitance and its activities are legitimate. The platform fights against the fascist forces. That is why the state-forces try to destroy it. The platform exists and fights openly, it doesn’t hide it selves. It does not hesitate, it expresses its views and defends them. The Platform for Rights and Freedom reacts immediately upon undemocratical events, fascist attacks, massacres, etc. with statements. The brings these events in the open with press-statements and organises massmeetings and actions like demonstrations, occupations, spreading of posters, writing of slogans on walls…
The People’s Rapid Interventiongroup, which was founded by the platform, has as its task to immediately gather and spread information. The platform has a wide base in which it can work and in which its voice is heard. It fights its struggle despite the massive repression of the fascist Turkish state.
Two words are sufficient to describe the last fifteen years in TurkeyDisappearances and executions. About 25.000 people were slaughtered bystateforces in the last fifteen years, including the people who were murdered in the villages and mountains of Kurdistan. Since 1994 alone, more than 300people have disappeared.
Turkey has become a Latin American country between Europe and Asia. The number of disappearances and executions increases day by day.This document contains documentation regarding massacres and executions thatwere carried out in the big cities since 1988. Sometimes the executions werebrought before court. Approximately 150 people were executed by the criminalinvestigation department. After the murders they invent “political reasons”to justify the murders. The reason is mostly this one: “They were members ofan organisation!” On the one hand this justification serves to prevent theorganisation of the masses, on the other hand it is a political end to createa phobia for organisations. After the massacres they always investigate whether the killed people weremembers of an organisation or not. This means that according to thegovernment it is a reason to kill somebody when he or she belongs to anorganisation. One has to point out that most executed people were not membersof an organisation. They were only guilty of being revolutionaries-democrats,and known to the police as such. More than once the police executed people,only for revenge.It is remarkable that in many massacres, the involved police-officers mostly were the same. For example the names of the accused officers in a recent trial in Istanbul: Refik Kul, Mustafa Altinok, Mesut Demirbilek, Remzi Kaya, Ismail Alici, CÜneyt Yesil, Resat Altay, A. Vasfi Kara, Mehmet Baki Avci, Ismail TÜrk, Selim Kostik… They created an execution team that always consists of the same officers. Interestingly enough, in all the trails, none of the accused officers was punished. Usually these officers removed the evidence and they are always protected by the courts. The orders for the executions were always coming from the same chiefs of police: for example Mehmet Agar, Necdet Menzir, Ramazan Er and others. It is remarkable that the officers are many times decorated and promoted forparticipating in executions. Mehmet Agar, the chief of police in Ankara, protected the officers who tortured and murdered Birtan Altunbas and wasshortly after promoted to chief of police in Istanbul. He gave the orders forthe execution of the 12th of July, 1990, in Istanbul. He was appointed asgovernor of Ersurum, and afterwards promoted to the leadership of thepoliceforce. Refik Kul, well known for executions, was promoted from super-intendent to head of the Anti-Terrorism Department. Resat Altay was promotedfrom super-intendent to deputy-chief of the Anti-Terrorism Department inIstanbul.Ilhami Yelekci is always acting as lawyer for these officers. Besides IlhamiYelekci there are no lawyers who defend the officers. Nowadays Ilhami Yelekciis protected around the clock by police-officers he once defended. Theenumeration of the executions is not complete. However, the examples describethe massacres that are known to the general public in Turkey. The truenumbers however are much higher as mentioned. We think it is the duty of allprogressive people to be attentive to the executions, the murders undertorture and the policy of disappearances by the police in Turkey. Otherwise,the numbers will even rise. When you read these documents, you will see thatthe numbers of executions in the last years have risen.We call upon the progressive and democratic public, to reject the executionsand the policy of disappearances.
April 30, 1988: Salih Kul and Ozturk Acari were executed. During a police operation in the neighbourhood of Gursel in Istanbul/Okmeydani, Ozturk Acari and Salih Kul were murdered. Through this blood bath the police wanted to intimidate the people for the 1st of May. They tried to justify the massacre with the argument that Ozturk Acari and Salih Kul were preparing an illegal action for the 1st of May.
October 7, 1988: The Tuzla Massacre.
On the 7th of October, 1988, the police opened fire on a red Opel, licence number DEG-7843, on the Tuzla-bridge on the motorway E-5. There were four people inside. 274 bullets were discovered in the bodies of the people inside. A trial was opened against the police officers for the murder of Ismail Hakki Adali, Kemal Sogukpinar, Fevzi Yalcin and Reha Sen. Sixteen officers were accused of the killings. The Tuzla-Trial lasted for seven years. The accused officers, Taki Surme, Abdullah Suzer, Huseyin Demir, Ali Cekin, Enver Aytemur, Bayram Kartal, Fahrettin Meral, Enver Arslan, Efraim Erkek, Mehmet Kulac, Abuzer Fidanci, Fikret Isinkaralar, Ismail Alici and Metin Ozturk were acquitted on the 6th of February, 1995. Immediately after the murders, the minister of Home Affairs and the Police-Directorate declared that the murdered people escaped from the prison in Kirsehir. The chief of police in Istanbul said he had given the order to kill. Later it turned out that the murdered people were not escaped prisoners. At the trial it was said that the people in the car opened fire when they were summoned by the police. In contrast with this assertion, only one pistol was found in the car, and that didn’t even work. This was also stated in the first trial documents, but afterwards they inserted a statement that they had discovered more weapons in the car. In the first post-mortem reports it was concluded that bullets were fired from a distance of 35-40 centimetres. This conclusion was based on burns on the bodies. This proves that the wounded people were murdered by the police from close range. At the trial the lawyers of the police officer demanded a second report from the Judicial Medical Institute. This time the Institute declared that the range of the deadly bullets could not be established. After the accused officers were acquitted, the mother of Hakki Adali, who was murdered in Tuzla, stated: +It is the state itself who carried out this massacre. In 1988, immediately after the bloodbath, we charged the perpetrators. The trial lasted for seven years and the judge gave us no opportunity to speak, although we asked for it. Every time they threatened to throw us out of the court-room. The last session lasted for 5-10 minutes and the judge said ‘We have to acquit them as not guilty.’ +
May 1, 1989: Mehmet Akif Dalci was murdered.
On the 1st of May, 1989, the police opened fire on about 5.000 people who wanted to celebrate May-Day. Many people were wounded and Mehmet Akif Dalci was shot dead. The massacre was planned beforehand. The chief of police in Istanbul, Hamdi Ardali, said: +The ordinary people should stay away from Taksin Square+. He added, in accordance with the commander of the city-gendarmerie, that they installed an +Operation Centre+. The Secretary of State, Cemil Cicek, said: +The first of May must disappear not from the calendar, but from people’s minds.+ On the 1st of May the police stopped the crowd from entering the square with batons, sticks and guns. Mehmet Akif Dalci’s friends, who wanted to celebrate May Day with him, identified the traffic-policeman Kazim Cakmci from pictures in the papers as the one who killed Mehmet Akif Dalci. Later they gave a testimony to that. However, the state, who prepared the murder, covered it and those responsible for the murders on the 1st of May and did not even charge anybody.
June 12, 1990: The Cihangir Massacre.
During a police operation in the neighbourhood of Cihangir in Istanbul, Gulay Arici and Alper Ersoy were murdered in a house. Alper Ersoy was first found wounded. Afterwards, the officers killed Alper Ersoy inside the house and they riddled Gulay Arici’s body with approximately 100 bullets. A resident of the neighbourhood described the event as follows: +At the event in the Beskurt Street one could hear bombs exploding and successive gunshots. The entrance and the exit of the street were blocked by armoured cars. The gunshots and cries lasted for five hours.+
January 16, 1991: Birtan Altunbas was murdered.
Birtan Altunbas, the chair of the +Society for Solidarity with the Youth at the Highschools in Ankara+ and the Revolutionary Youth in Ankara, was arrested on the 9th of January at the campus of the Hacettepe-University where he was studying. On the 16th of January, he was taken to the Military Medical Academy Gulhane, wounded. Later he died there. In the coroners report, which was manufactured very quickly, it was stated that he died a natural death. The police kept his death a secret from the public until the 22nd of January. Murat Bobrek, who was arrested at the same time as Birtan Altunbas, and who was acquitted by the court, stated that Birtan Altunbas was tortured with electric shocks, that he was hanged and beaten, and was repeatedly kept naked in his cell.
February 13, 1991: Ali Riza Agdogan was murdered.
When the people’s opposition in Turkey against the Gulf War rose, Ali Riza Agdogan was arrested while organising a protest (the shops were to stay closed as a protest against the war.) He was brought to the Beyoglu security office. The police had no success with their torture and the threw him from the third floor. Ali Riza Agdogan died after several days in a coma.
March 2, 1991: Imran Aydin was murdered.
Imran Aydin was killed on the 2nd of March, 1991, in the laboratory of the Intensive Research Deep Investigation Laboratory (DAL: a well-known torture-centre)). The polices stated after this murder: +She tried to escape, fell into a hole and died.+ In the post-mortem report of the physicians from the Judicial Medical Institute it was stated: +Natural death as a result from bleeding of the pancreas+.
April 9, 1991: The police extended the executions from Istanbul to all over Anatolia.
On the 9th of April, 1991, the police in Izmir surrounded a house in Izmir. Inside were 5 revolutionaries, including 3 women. Because of the resistance of the revolutionaries, it came to a armed conflict. Thereupon the police threw a bomb into the building and opened intense fire on the house. After the bomb was thrown in, gas cylinders inside the house exploded and the house caught fire. In this operation Olcay Uzun and Faruk Bayrakci were murdered and the other 3, including 3 women, were severely wounded. After a few hours it was declared that the revolutionaries had carried out armed actions. The state forces however were not able to give the names of the murdered revolutionaries.
May 19, 1991: The Hasanpasa Massacre.
During a police operation in Istanbul/Hasanpasa, Hatice Dilek and Ismail Oral were murdered. The then minister of Home Affairs, Abdulkadir Aksu, said about the massacre: +Do you want us to give them flowers, or what?+ The building where there was supposedly armed resistance, was declared to have been a support base. However, that was not the case. In the report on the house-search conducted by the public prosecutor, it was said that there was not a sign of bullets in the walls of the room which Hatice Dilek was in. According to statements of officers involved, they stood directly in front of Hatice Dilek and he supposedly had a gun in one hand and a bomb in the other. In this way, an armed struggle occurred. However, the post-mortem reports prove that the bullets which caused the death were fired from close range. One bullet entered the skull behind the left ear and left the skull through the forehead. The trial statements of the accused officers about the death of Ismail Oral are contradictory. The operation, which started at 11 p.m., ended ten minutes later. According to the registration of the public prosecutor, he was informed at 0.30 A.M. So the accused had a lot of time to let the evidence disappear.Among the evidence which disappeared are the clothes of the deceased. The medical personel, who brought the bodies to the hospital on the same day, stated that the bodies were clothed. The policemen who were involved in the operation stated the same – they even described the clothes. The hospital personel stated that they handed over the clothes to the policemen who brought the bodies to the hospital. This evidence, and a lot more, was to be hidden and destroyed, and although this was known, the members of the court did not insist on seeing this evidence and they acted as if this evidence did not exist. The 12 policemen were thereupon acquitted.
June 28, 1991: Perihan Demirer was murdered.
During a police attack on house no. 12 in Kalas Street in Istanbul, Besiktas/Yenimahalle, Perihan Demirer was murdered. She was the only person in the house. Approximately 300 officers surrounded the building. After the operation, which lasted for 20 minutes, the police were unable to give the name of Perihan, because they did not know who they had killed. After this event the Association for Justice and Freedom demanded that the prosecutor investigate the case, but they didn’t even get an answer.
July 4, 1991: Their crime: speaking Kurdish.
In Avcilar, Istanbul, a policemen killed two people with the motive that they had spoken and sung in Kurdish. The officer stated: +They started speaking and singing in Kurdish, then I got angry.+
July 12, 1991: The Massacre of the 12th of July.
On the 12th of July, 1991, Istanbul witnessed an extraordinary day. The districts of Dikilitas, Balmumcu, Nisantasi and Yeni Levent were completely surrounded. Exits and entrances were blocked. Almost the entire police force of Istanbul were ordered there by radio at 7.30 P.M. The people in the houses were warned by loudspeakers not to leave their houses and to stay away from their windows. Shortly after these warnings one could hear bombs exploding and gunshots. When the operation was over, 10 people were found murdered in the above-mentioned districts: Niyazi Aydin, Ibrahim Erdogan, Ibrahim Ilci, Omer Coskunirmak, Yucel Simsek, Nazmi Turkcan, Zeynep Eda Berk, Cavit Ozkaya, Bilal Karakaya and Hasan Eliuygun.The chief of police, Mehmet Agar, ordered this with the words: +You have to do what is necessary.+ Two days later, Fintoz Dikme and Buluthan Kangalgil were +found dead+ according to the same method in Ankara. The chief of police in Istanbul, Mehmet Agar, congratulated the officers who were involved in the operation. After this bloodbath they appointed Mehmet Agar to governor of Erzurum and later to general chief of police. During the trial, the post-mortem reports showed that the accused were lying. Until this day, in the trials against the officers, there no judicial steps have been taken against these policemen. Although the police operations were carried out officially after statements from informers, there are no written accounts of these statements. The matter of police weapons and bullets was handled in the same manner: the registration numbers of the weapons and the sort of ammunition are not mentioned.The statements which were manufactured after the massacres are almost always signed by the responsible officer only and handed over to the court. The public prosecutor visits the site only after the police have taken steps to destroy the evidence. The demands for investigations of events on the spot are toned down in the phase of preparation and during the trial, until an important part of the evidence which could give a clear picture of the massacre is no more available. Yet, it is possible in some trials to shed light on the truth by post-mortem reports and eye-witness accounts. The judicial medical report documents the one and other. In the post-mortem report about Yucel Simsek, who was murdered on the 12th of July, 1991, in Balmumcu, the following was established: +Wounds caused by metal parts arising from detonating explosives.+ The detailed post-mortem report, made on the 5th of August about Zeynep Eda Berk, who was murdered in the office in Dikilitas, states that the 5 bullets all entered from behind and left the body at the front. After the report the clothes were to be examined to determine the range of the bullets. But the clothes disappeared, despite the court inquiry. When the aim is not to judge objectively, but to acquit the accused, then no evidence can convince the court. During the trials against the officers involved, one could observe the following: 31st of March, 1994: the 6th Criminal Court of Istanbul decided to examine the place where the events took place. 4th of June, 1994: the court did not even ask for the statements of the officers involved. The court dismissed the demands of the prosecuting lawyers.
8th of February, 1995: the show trial which had already lasted three years ended with acquittals.
September 3, 1991: Murdered in her university.
Seher Sahin, art student at the university of Minar Sinan, was a member of the Student Federation of Youth Associations of Turkey (TODEF). The university was attacked by the police during the introduction-days for new students, when there were information stalls. Seher Sahin was hunted by the police and chased to the third floor of the university building. There was no way to escape. She resisted the policemen. Thereupon the officers of the Anti-Terror Department threw her out of the window. Seher Sahin was brought immediately to the hospital by her friends, however she died on the 8th of September. Later it was established at the post-mortem inquest that several bones were broken. After this, her father, Hayati Sahin, complained with the help of 25 lawyers at the public prosecution. He wanted the policemen responsible to be found, and for charges to be brought against them for premeditated murder. However, he did not succeed.
Burhan Remzi Kafadenk was murdered.
The car from Burhan Remzi Kafadenk was shot at in 1991 by the police in 1991. As a result of this, Burhan Remzi Kafadenk died. The trial against the policemen involved in this murder started March 31 1994. After witnesses were heard, the trial ended in acquittal of the accused policemen.
January 27, 1992: The Mahmutbey Massacre.
On the 27th of January, 1992, three youngsters, Ismail Cengiz Goznek, Servet Sahin and Mustafa Ates, were murdered in Mahmutbey/Istanbul. Again the police came up with their well-known excuse: +They answered the appeal to surrender with opening fire. After the ensuing armed struggle they were found dead.+ The human rights association IHD declared however: +It has been established that this house belong to an organisation. It was continually inhabited by a family of six. It has been established that all bullets were fired in the direction of the killed youngsters. It has been testified that the security forces looted the house, smashed all windows, and to inflict even more damage, broke all glasses and plates. According to the family, one youngster was killed in the living room, one in the kitchen, and one in the bedroom. Relatives stated, according to neighbours, that the murdered Cengiz Goznek was thrown to the floor and murdered by police teams who broke down the doors and stormed the house, although he shouted: +We surrender+. All the murdered people were dressed in in-house clothing and the weapons were to the left of them, at a distance.+ The policemen were accused and tried for the killing the three youngsters. The first court-session was on the 10th of April, 1995, before the 3rd Criminal Chamber in Bakirkoy. The trial had been requested already three years before. The convicted officers, chief commissioner Remzi Kaya, Sefik Kul, Hasan Erdogan, Mehmet Sakir, Ismail Alici, Bayran Kartal, Huseyin Dogru and Cuneyt Yesil stated that they provided security in the area and they did not open fire. However, Birol Abonoz, Selim Kostik and Adnan Tasdemir stated the following: +We put on bullet-proof vests, went to the front door of the house and broke open the door. Before we went in, we shot aimlessly at the killed persons who had opened fire on us. We just fulfilled our task and want our acquittal.+
March, 1992: Bulent Ulku was murdered.
Bulent Ulku, editor-in-chief and owner of the paper +Korfeze Bakis+, was arrested in March, 1992. He was found wounded on the 12 kilometres long road from Bursa to Uludag by a forester. Bulent Ulku was brought to a hospital but could not be saved. According to the forester who found him, he was blindfolded. Later it was stated in the examinations that the body was naked and that there was no blindfold. The death of Bulent Ulku was caused by a bullet, fired from a distance of 40 centimetres. The bullet entered the left eye and shattered the skull. Open and clear signs of torture were found on his body. On his hands – and ankles – were signs of hand-cuffs and ropes, his arm-pits showed that he had been hanged by them, his forehead and temples showed signs of cigarette-burns, and his fingers showed inkstains, stemming from taking fingerprints.
The 16-17th April Massacre.
On the 16-17 April 1992, in Istanbul Sabahat Karatas, Eda YÜksel, Taskin Usta, Sinan Kukul, Arif Öngel, Ahmet Fazil ErcÜment Özdemir, HÜseyin Kilic, Sati Tas (Kilic), Ayse Nil Ergen, Ayse GÜlen Uzunhasanoglu were massacre at four separate houses. During massacre police used heavy guns and bombs.After this, on 22 April 1992 the solicitors applied to KadikÖy Republic Attorney-General for an offence announcement. They alleged that +Police did not want to catch these people alive. Without concealment, they organised this operations to kill them.+ After three years, KadikÖy Republic Attorney-General brought this case to court, but not for all, only for Ciftehavuzlar massacre. The court was non functional. On 14 June 1995, the court started at KadikÖy 2. Criminal Court. On the hearing day, before the first session, the police occupied KadikÖy and arrested 200 people. They directly obstructed the people; who wanted to attend the hearing. The police spread terror all over the international observes, solicitors and press members at the court hall. The first hearing was observed by a delegation which came from Germany, Italy, France, Holland, Greece and England. The delegation members were generally law men and human rights activists.The solicitors which came from England, Pierre Makhlouf, Catrin Lewis and Judy Magmohan stated their ideas about the case like this:+at the end of the hearing the lawyer for the victims’ families said the court would need to examine whether reasonable force was used and whether the victims could in fact have been apprehended. The trial judge responded by telling the lawyer that he was wasting the court’s time with this comment. This showed that the hearing was being held as a media event, and not in order to discover the truth. After all, why else was the trial being heard if it wasn’t in order to assess the issue of whether the police used reasonable force when they killed the victims. The whole conduct of the trial pointed to judicial complicity with alleged police cover-up.++What we witnessed on the streets was frightening with people being detained for no reason whatsoever. What we saw in the court was farcical, with no attempt to examine the facts of the case, but rather judicial collusion with the police.+
THE COURT DEPENDED ON THE POLICE AT THE COURT HALL.
The plainclothes police, that attended the hall as spectators, behaved like bodyguards of suspected policemen. They controlled the hall. They threatened the lawmen, observers and the delegation members.
THIS COURT-CASE IS NON FUNCTIONAL AND ITS RESULT IS PREDICTABLE.
In his indictment, the persecutor said that the crime and criminals are clear but +this action was carried in the line of duty”. He offered acquittal for the criminals.
THE SUSPECTS WHO ARE ON TRIAL.
Resat Altay (Istanbul Anti-Terror Branch Chief), I. Sahin (special operation department chief), A. V. Kara (in Belgium), M. S. Oncel, I. Alici (One of the superintendent of Istanbul anti-terror branch), A. Tasdemir, R. Firat (On duty at anti-terror branch).
April 30, 1992: The Adana Massacre.
During the police operation on the 30th of April, 1992, in the Kurtulus district of Adana, Siddik Celik, Esma Polat and Guven Keskin were murdered. At this massacre, in which three people died, not a single bullet was fired from the house. There were no weapons in the house. The police did not have any documents showing that there was a weapon inside the house.
May 4, 1992: The Massacre in Dikmen/Ankara.
On the 4th of May, 1992, Halil Ates, Solmaz Karabulut. Fikri Keles and Ali Yilmaz were killed by the police in the Sokull-quarter in Dikmen/Ankara. The correspondent H. Uysal, who reported on this massacre, said: +Without the demand for +Surrender!+, the house was fired upon for 20 minutes with 15-20 machine-guns. From inside the house the firing was answered with only one revolver. Then the house was once again shot at with machine-gun volleys. In that moment a women’s voice was heard in the house. Thereupon one of the officers demanded two bombs and threw them, one after the other, into the house. After the explosion the police called out: +You are surrounded, surrender!+ From the eye-witness accounts it is evident that this was an open massacre.
July 13, 1992: The Kasimpasa Massacre.
On the 13th of July, 1992, units from the Anti-Terror Department, Special Units and subordinated officers organised and carried out a raid on a house in Kulaksiz in Kalimpasa/Istanbul. During this operation Nurten Demir and Ismail Akarcesme were murdered. In the trial about this massacre they have been searching for clothes for three years so far. According to the post-mortem report, three of the seven bullets which hit Nurten Demir were fired from a distance and four of them were fired point-blank. But because the clothes went missing, the exact distance can not be determined.
July 19, 1992: The Operation in Kartal.
During raids on houses on the 19th of July, 1992, in Kartal Maltepe and in Pendik Guzelyali, Emre Bilgin, Ramazan Ceviz, Nurguzel Yasar and Hasan Demir were executed. No trial has been brought against the officers involved in the operation. They were shielded.
August 13, 1992: The Ankara Massacre.
On the 13th of August the districts of Maltepe and Kucuk Esat in Ankara were surrounded by approximately 3,000 policemen. Armoured cars, machine-guns and police units with bullet-proof vests took their positions. Also the minister of Home Affairs, Ismet Sezgin, the Secretary of State and the man responsible for human rights, Mehmet Kahraman, chief of police Yilmaz Ergun and the governor of Ankara, Erdogan Sahinoglu, were present. It was probably the first time in world history that high-ranking state and government-officials came to witness a massacre and give their consent. After the operation, the state prosecutors Nuh Mete Yuksel and Ulku Coskun from the State Security Court also came to the scene and acted as accomplices by hiding evidence and not allowing the press and lawyers to the scene. After the massacre the police tried to stage manage a show of support by the people of Ankara. They entered houses and threatened people, ordering them to hang Turkish flags out of their windows. A group of plain-clothes policemen shouted slogans, approving the massacre. The police, who stopped the lawyers from entering the house, also tried to conduct the post- mortem investigation without them. The lawyers were locked in a room from the Judicial Medical building and they wanted to beat them there. The journalists who wanted to report on this incident were hindered to film and their press-cards were confiscated.
August 31, 1992: Ekrem Akin Savas was murdered
. On the 31st of August, Ekrim Akin Savas, a student from the faculty for literature at the University of Istanbul, was followed by the police in Resitpasa. He was murdered when he tried to hide in a house. The order to execute him came from Necdet Menzir who at that moment was with the president of the government and his deputy. September 28, 1992: Kayhan Tazeoglu and Fatma Suzen were murdered.Two revolutionaries, Kayhan Tazeoglu and Fatma Suzen, were murdered by the police who attacked their house in Beyerbeyi/Istanbul. The police officers fired 25 bullets into the body of Kayhan Tazeoglu and 15 bullets into Fatma Suzen. After the massacre a trial was opened against the officers who committed the murder, before the Great Criminal Chamber in Uskudar. At the session of 3 February, 1994, only 5 of the 12 officers were present. The lawyers from the barristers-at-law office asked for the detention of all the accused because of the risk of escape or destruction of evidence. The court dismissed this request, citing no. 3713 from the Anti-Terror Law, article 15/1. This happened despite the fact that the Constitutional Court had abolished this law on the 27th of January, 1993, in verdict no. 21478 and the publication of this verdict in the official judicial magazine. The statements of all the policemen who came to the trial were as followed: +It all happened exactly as the chief-commissioner of police stated. I am not guilty and want to be acquitted.+ The public prosecutor who opened this trial, did not even once ask one question to clear the case. According to the post-mortem report Kayhan Tazeoglu was hit by only two bullets, fired from a distance, and Fatma Suzen was hit by one. As always, evidence was destroyed: the clothes of the victims could not be found! The court did not find one sufficient piece of evidence. The trial against commissioner Hasan Erdogan and the officers Huseyin Dogrul, Senol Aygun, Omer Kaplan, Selim Kostik, Omer Caliskan, Nizamettin Tuncer, Aydin Oruc Aydemir, Enver Karaban, Ali Cetkin, Ali Osman Akar and Efraim Cinar also ended with acquittal of the accused. After the acquittal the lawyers of the barristers-at-law office of the People pointed to the fact that they would bring this case before the European Human Rights Court. They said: +Because we knew that this was a show trial, we were not surprised by the verdict. What did disappoint us, was the fact that this trial was conducted in the shortest time, without any investigations. Until now, no massacre trial has ended so quickly and in such a short time.+
September 28-29, 1992: Nakbule Surbeli was murdered.
In the night of the 28-29th September, the police and special units surrounded Nakbule Surmeli’s house in Icerenk+y, Istanbul. The police, known for their executions and torture, wanted to commit the murder this time without witnesses and without causing a sensation. That’s the reason why they tried to prevent that the murder becoming known to the press.
October 10, 1992: Sultan Cenik was murdered.
On the 10th. of October, 1992, Sultan Canik was murdered in the third floor of an apartment building in Muhittin Ustundag street by units from the Anti- Terror Department, subordinated to the Security Department. He was killed in a hail of bullets. This operation was led personally by the chief of police from Istanbul, Mecdet Menzir.
November, 1992, Remzi Basalak and Saban Budak were murdered.
In November, 1992, Remzi Basalak, Saban Budak and Mustafa Yasar were arrested by the police in Adana. Saban Budak was killed on the spot. A few hours later, Remzi Basalak and Mustafa Yasar were shown to the press, heavily tortured. Remzi Basalak told the journalists that he was tortured and he cursed the police. The press was immediately removed. Remzi Basalak was tortured again and murdered. There was a trial against 14 officers at the 1st and 2nd Criminal Court in Ankara after Mustafa Yasar declared he could recognise the murderers of Remzi Basalak and said he wanted to testify as a witness. However, he was not allowed as a witness. The post-mortem reports state that Remzi Basalak +died of cerebral haemorrhage+. As in other trials, Saban Budak’s clothes were never found again. For appearances only, officers were put on patrol-duty. But as always, the trial will end in acquittals.
February 27, 1993: Lawyer Metin Can and doctor Hasan Kaya were murdered.
The bodies of Metin Can, a lawyer, and Hasan Kaya, a physician, kidnapped on the 21st of February, 1993 by the contra-guerrilla, were found, on 27 February on the Dinar-Bridge, 15 km. from Dersim. Relatives and representatives of democratic mass-organisations who came to the bridge to identify the corpses, found clear signs of torture on the bodies. 500 meters from the bridge where the bodies were found, there is a police station. Before they were murdered, both Can and Kaya had received threats more than once because they defended and examined revolutionary democrats.
March 25, 1993: The Bahcelievler Massacre.
March 25, 1993, Recai Dincel, Ibrahim Yalcin and Avni Turan were killed in Bahcelievler, Istanbul. During the struggle, which lasted for 4.5 hours, the police forces used more than 2,000 bullets. Tens of bombs were thrown into the house. After the three people who were inside were killed, their bodies were exposed to a hail of bullets. Later people saw that there were 25-30 bullets in each corpse. During the fight the press was not allowed to come closer than 200 meters. Ahmet Duzgun Yuksel, a lawyer from the People’s Barristers Office and committee member from Ozgur Der Marmara, was present during the post-mortem inquest. He was hindered and threatened by the police. According to his reports there had been an open and clear execution: +Heavy guns were used in the operation with the intention to kill. More than half of the bullets were lethal. The bullets that hit I. Yalcin Arkan and Recai Dincel, entering and leaving the heads above the ears, indicate that the shots were fired point blank. After Avni Turan and Recai Dincel were murdered, they were shot in their feet to suggest an idle escape-attempt and resistance by the suspects. Furthermore, the bodies were hit by quick-firing guns from the front, as well as from the back.+
April 23, 1993: Ibrahim Yalcin was murdered.
Ibrahim Yalcin managed to escape from prison in February, 1993. Up until that time he had been repeatedly threatened by the police and had received threatening letters from several sources. After his escape, Ibrahim Yalcin was put on the wanted list with an +order to kill+. At the time I. Yalcin was killed, he was alone and unarmed. This was confirmed by witnesses. During the trial against the policemen, on January 25, 1995, the witness Kismet Sahin confirmed her previous testimony and replied to the question +Did Ibrahim Yalcin carry a gun in his hand?+: +No. Between us there was a distance of 4-5 meters, but I didn’t see a gun in his hand.+ All witnesses to the massacre (Emel Yilmaz, Kiymet Sahin, Songul Ozden, Nihal Dulger and Dursun Sen) pointed out that they did not hear an call to +Surrender!+
April 30, 1993: Ugur and Sengul were murdered.
April 30, 1993, Ugur Yasar Kilic and Sengul Yildiran were murdered in their student apartment in KadikÖy, Istanbul. The police, who stormed the building without warning and broke down the doors, opened fire on the apartment. Thereupon Ugur Yasar Kilic, Sengul Yildiran and Ergul Uzundiz fled to the roof. They were unarmed. Ergul Uzundiz confirmed this later in her testimony. The police, who pursued the three unarmed persons with their weapons ready, murdered Ugur Yasar Kilic and Sengul Yildiran on the roof. Ergul Uzundiz managed to save herself by hiding. The bodies were first brought to the apartment, and later on to the street. There they were shown to the press. Normally the police do not behave in this manner; they show the corpses on the spot. The police wanted to do some things in the apartment and tried to deflect attention away from the house. Indeed, the trial documents state that weapons and posters were found in the apartment. There were posters in the apartment, because these students were members of IYO-DER (Solidarity Association of University Youth in Istanbul) and they had prepared posters for the May-Day festivities, the next day. The only surviving witness of the massacre, Ergul Uzundiz, after a long time hiding from the police, gave a statement to the public prosecutor on August 2, 1993, in the palace of justice in Istanbul. Thereupon she was immediately arrested. They started a trial against the policemen under the file number:, 93/281, at the 3rd State Security Court. The court decided that +Ergul Uzundiz does not have to be heard as a witness in the preliminary investigation.+ Her own case was heard separately, case number 93/22, at the 2nd State Security Court. Obviously, the court tried to hush up the matter. The trial was separated and combined twice more. In this way they prolonged the bureaucratic procedures and Ergul was prevented from making use of her right to speak. In the end they combined the cases again and during the last court session the prosecutor demanded 15 years in prison for Ergul Uzundiz. The prosecutor came up with only one proof: Ergul had been in the same house as the murdered people. Apparently the prosecutor thought it unjust that Ergul managed to save her live, and therefore she had to be punished. His reasoning was even more peculiar: according to the prosecutor all the deceased were members of an organisation. Proof of their membership: they were killed. This trial lasted for two years. The court concurred with the prosecutor and Ergul was sentenced to 15 years imprisonment.
June 5, 1993: Murat GÜl was murdered.
On June 5, 1993, Murat GÜl was murdered in the district of Cakmak in Sincan/Ankara in house no. 160. This murder was later also adjusted at the trial. Besides the policemen, also the chief of police in Ankara, Mehmet Cansever and state prosecutor Nuh Mete Yuksel were in State Security Courtroom. Supposedly Murat Gul was asked a few times to surrender. Nuh Mete Yuksel declared: +We told him, surrender. Clear him away.+ In this way they committed another murder.
June 26, 1993: D. Mehmet Eroglu and Yuksel Guneysel were murdered.
On June 23, 1993, Devrim Mehmet Eroglu and Yuksel Guneysel had a meeting with the candidate for the chairmanship of the district council, Mehmet Altuncu from the Social Democratic People’s Party (SHP, later called the People’s Party of the Republic, CHP). The SHP is a coalition partner of the DYP. After a while they left and Devrim and Yuksel said they would come again to talk. A short time later Mehmet Altuncu betrayed the two to the police who immediately made preparations for their execution. On June 26, two policemen in workingmen’s clothes were seen working in the place where Altuncu works. Two other officers took positions in Altuncu’s office. In the meantime, Altuncu moved a meeting, +SHP-Chairmanship for the district council+, scheduled for that day in his office, to another place. That’s why there were no witnesses. Totally unaware of a trap, the two revolutionaries were surprised with gunfire as soon as they entered the office. First, the police shot them in their legs and both were wounded. In this state they could no longer escape. After this they were both murdered, point blank. After the operation the deputy of the Security chancellery of Gazi Osman Pasa explained their success as follows: +This operation took only 30 seconds, no, 20 seconds even.+ The testimonies show that there wasn’t a fight. The families of D. M. Eroglu and Y. Guneysel filed charges and the trial started on October 11th before the 1st. Criminal Crime Court in Eyup. Four policemen were present. They stated they had only defended themselves. However, the words of the traitor Mehmet Altuncu, who was heard as a witness, show clearly that they came with the intention to kill: +The policemen came on this day to me at 10.00 o’clock before the operation and they warned me that there was going to be a shooting+.The prosecutor of Gazi Osman Pasa charged the policemen with +execution without a verdict+, a rare exception. Although the prosecutor of Gazi Osman Pasa prepared the charges himself, the trial was moved to Eyup because Gazi Osman Pasa does not have a court for serious crimes.
July 16, 1993: Kemal Aygul was murdered.
Kemal Aygul was executed on the street in Sirinevler on July 16. 1993. This execution was extraordinary in that it is impossible to decide if Kemal could have been arrested alive, because Kemal Aygul was already arrested. An eye-witness, who does not want to give his name and who saw the whole event, said in an interview with +Kurtulus+ magazine: +This very young man was held by his arms by the policemen and they flogged him. The oldest officer, a superintendent I think, shouted: ‘Kill him, let him kick the bucket.’ Then he added: ‘Leave him to me, I’ll finish him’. The young man yelled to the policemen before he died, ‘You murderers!… We will hold you responsible for this!’ He was held by two officers. Then the superintendent came closer and first shot him in his knee from a distance of 15-20 centimetres. Then he emptied his weapon on Kemal Aygul. When a women started to shout ‘You murderers, you killed him in the middle of the street!’, the policemen called her names and they fired in the air.+ There was no inquiry in this murder to which all the inhabitants of 12th Street could testify and the press wrote about Kemal Aygul as follows: +As a result of a armed fight which he started with the police he was apprehended dead.+
July 28, 1993: Ferhat Tepe was kidnapped and murdered
Ferhat Tepe, who was kidnapped in the centre of Bitlis on July 27, 1993, was a correspondent for +Ozgur Gundem+. He was kidnapped by the contra-guerrilla and his body was found a short time later in lake Hazar in Sivrice district, Elazig, drowned. His passport was removed. After two days in the health-clinic of the district, his body was brought to the state hospital in Elazig and there he was buried in an unmarked grave by the city. His father, Ishak Tepe, DEP-chairman in Bitlis, received a phone-call and travelled to Elazig to identify the body. Ferhat was heavily tortured by his kidnappers, he was murdered by them and after the left his body behind in a corner, they telephoned his father, as if to show their indifference.
August 13, 1993: The Perpa Massacre.
In the workingcentre of Perpa, Istanbul, Sabri Atilmis, Selma Citlak, Nebi Akyurek, Mehmet Salgin and Hakan Kasa were murdered on August 13, 1993. Erdogan Sakar was arrested after the massacre. Since then he is disappeared. The police did not no the names of the people they butchered until the day after when their bodies were released.After the bloodbath Ozgur-Der (Association for Rights and Freedom) said in a statement: +We believe that much is made clear by the fact that the lawyers were not allowed to the preliminary post-mortem inquiry, despite the wishes of the families. As we have seen on the spot, the police riddled the cafeteria with bullets from heavy weapons. We have learned from the press that a number of retail traders, who want to stay anonymous, knew some of the murdered people. As far as known, the police killed at least two persons, Selma Citlak and Sabri Atilmis, later on because they didn’t want to leave any witnesses. They were apprehended alive. Some retailers, who don’t want to give their names, state that they were kept alive. The position of Selma Citlak gives important clues, it shows that she was shot from above, downwards. The bullet which entered the window from the top is clear evidence that Selma Citlak, who was already on the floor, was murdered.+ On August 22, a delegation of the Contemporary Barrister’s Association and the Human Rights Association, which conducted an inquiry into the Perpa massacre on the spot, published a statement for the press: +1. Most bullets were shot from the outside, into the building. This is a clear sign that there was no firefight with the police. 2. There are great inconsistencies in regard with the inspection of the policeweapons which were used and the weapons which were supposedly used by the murdered people. The weapons which allegedly belonged to the deceased were not even useable. For that matter, because all the shots at the deceased were given in random-fire, there can be no talk of self-defence. 3. According to the recordings of SHOW TV and ATV, sound-records and eye-witness accounts, there were no summons to +Surrender!+. 4. It all happened in a cafeteria. Orders were delivered outside. All the deceased worked in the afternoon. Although the security forces did have the opportunity to go into the shop as costumers and to ask for service outside, the police did not conduct in this manner.+ It is evident that what happened in Perpa was an execution. In November, 1993, the trial was opened. On February 14, 1994, the second courtsession took place against the policemen who murdered Mehmet Salgin, Hakan Kasa, Nebi Akyurek, Selma Citlak and Sabri Atilmis on August 13, 1993, in Perpa. The trial was held before the 7th Chamber for Heavy Crimes in Istanbul. The police, who took heavy security precautions in the surroundings, terrorised the families and the lawyers who took part in the trial. Ilhami Yelekci, the permanent police-lawyer in execution-cases, demanded that the press be excluded from the trial. For security-reasons he demanded that the names and pictures of his clients could not be published in the press. This was dismissed by the court. When the families were heard by the court, Mehmet Salgin’s father damned the murderers of his son as +bloodsucking dogs+. When the court threatened to throw him out of the building, the furious father shouted at the judges: +You too are dogs, you protect them.+ When the other families reacted as well, the case was adjourned. After the interval, Ilhami Yelekci handed over a forged bulletin of Devrimci Sol to the court and declared that Devrimci Sol had issued death warrants against the accused officers, so publication of their pictures would endanger their lives. Based on the forged bulletin the court committee ordered a news-blockade for the press. Intervention by the prosecution could not change that.The court adjourned the trial to March 23, 1995, reasoning that the other accused officers had to be heard and some documents were to be completed. The accused officers are: Omer Kaplan, Ayhan Taskin, Ayhan Ozkan, Huseyin Dogrul, Selim Kostik, Kadir Ucar, Ercument Yilmaz, Harun Erdogan and Ali Cetkin. Erdogan Sakar, who was arrested at the massacre, was enclosed on the list of disappeared people. There has been no sign of Erdogan Sakar since.
August 21, 1993: Baki Erdogan was tortured to death
On August 10, 1993, Baki Erdogan was arrested by plain-clothes policemen in a house were he stayed as a guest. He was tortured for eleven days. On August 21, he died in the state-hospital in Aydin were he was brought for treating his wounds. The testimonies from the people he was arrested with, leave no doubts: +Baki’s head was covered with blood+, +His arms just hang and he constantly stared at one point+, +He was kept naked in the police-station. His body showed signs of beatings and open wounds+, +The blanket he used was covered with blood.+ After the murder the Judicial Medical Institute established as cause of death: +oedema, resulting from under-nourishment+. The post-mortem inquiry, however, stated as cause of death: +suffocation+. The progressive public protested and the inquiry-report, made by the prosecutor and the physicians, was send to the Judicial Medical Institute in Istanbul. The institute did not change the +cause of death+. They wrote their report without seeing the body. Baki Erdogan’s lawyers, Mehmet Yeter and Hulya Ucpinar gave a press conference and stated that the judicial medical report was not truthful. +Under-nourishment+ was medically impossible as cause of death for a healthy man, according to the lawyers, and they emphasised that the oedema of the lungs did not result from under-nourishment, but from torture, electroshocks and beatings. The lawyers pointed out that this was a case of deliberate deception and said: +The state prosecutor and the physicians who prepared the post-mortem report did give us deceiving indications and thus they tried to obscure the events. They also deceived the Judicial Medical Institute by sending faulty indications. The judicial medical report was based on this protocol. Besides, they didn’t even see the body.+ The lawyers, Mehmet Yeter and Hulya Ucpinar, declared that the state prosecutors, Huseyn Eken and Cafer Kasaoglu, who conducted the inquiry tried to protect the torturers and the demanded a new examination of the report. The assertions of the lawyers were examined and the report was considered dubious, thereupon a commission was formed to write a new report.
COOPERATION BETWEEN HOSPITALS AND THE POLICE.
A medical official, who wished to remain anonymous, told the Turkish Association of Physicians (TTB) about the events. The physicians Turkcan Baycal and Haluk Aydin from the TTB had to appear before the security authorities after the investigation by the TTB’s Central Council became known. This shows the open cooperation between the state-hospital and the hospital. When Baki Erdogan was brought to the hospital on August 20 at 24.00 hr, unable to breath, the nurse put on a serum flask. When his condition did not improve, the police-chiefs talked to the leading physician and achieved that Baki Erdogan was not treated stationary in the hospital. The physician Alkan Pehlivanli, who was on night-duty, put Baki in the special room for prisoners. Baki Erdogan was not booked in the hospital register because it was obvious to the personal that he was going to die as a result from the torture he had been subjected to. Although the signs of torture were even visible on video recordings and pictures, Feyyaz Piskinst (a specialist on night-duty on August 21.), wrote in his report: +…There is no pathological evidence that indicates torture.+ This attitude can not be in accordance with their Hypocritical Oath, nor with human dignity.
POLICE-OFFICERS FLEE BEFORE TRIAL!
The trial against the officers who were responsible for Baki Erdogan’s death was assigned to a higher court. The Criminal Court in Aydin declared itself unauthorised on March 2, 1994, and assigned the trial to the higher court. The accused officers did not show up, they claimed to be +on public duty+. According to Ali Asker Alkan, one of Baki’s lawyers, the accused did not come although they were summoned, and they probably would not show up in future sessions. He added: So we come in vain, we demand the arrest of the accused.+
STATE PROSECUTORS HIDE FACTS FOR LAWYERS!
Mehmet Yeter, a lawyer, and Baki’s father gave a press-conference on August 25. They said: +Both state prosecutor Huseyin Eken, who conducts the inquiry, and the chief physician of the state hospital in Aydin told us that Baki’s body did not show any other marks than those of handcuffs.+ State prosecutor Huseyin Eken did not hand over the inquiry report to the lawyers, Mehmet Yeter and Hulya Ucpinar, claiming that it first had to send to the Judicial Medical Institute. When the lawyers repeated their request on September 10, which was refused verbally on August 31, they discovered that the report never had been send to the Judicial Medical Institute in Istanbul. State prosecutor Hafer Kasaogly responded to the lawyers, who pointed out that the law requires a copy being handed over to them: +Go and complain to whom you ever want to, I’m not going to give you any information or copies.+
TTB CONCLUDES INVESTIGATION: TORTURE WAS CAUSE OF DEATH.
The TTB’s Central Council stated: +Based upon both the reports from the physicians who examined Erdogan before he died and the post-mortem results, the marks on Erdogan’s body were caused by electroshocks, the marks on his shoulders and joints were caused by torture through hanging (way and duration established), the marks on the foot-soles were caused by batons, and the marks on the toes were caused by cuts and breaking of the bones. We are convinced that both the reports concur. (…) Based on these knowledge, we have serious doubts regarding the possibility that his death could have been caused without torture.+ The investigation by the TTB and the lawyers show that Baki Erdogan died as a result from torture. The murder of Baki Erdogan by torture was also made known to Amnesty International and was even discussed by the European Council.
October 26, 1993: Two people murdered in Balgat/Ankara.
During a police operation on October 26, 1993, in the 14. Street in the district of Cevizlidere, Yasar Ylmaz and Tayyar Turhan Sayar were murdered. The operation was intended on murder. The police didn’t even consider their arrest. This is clearly shown by the state of the house the revolutionaries were in. The correspondent from Mucadele describes his observations as follows: +When we entered the house, the scent of gunpowder and bombs bit in our noses. We all tried to protect ourselves against the scent by holding our nose. Although it all happened so many hours ago, the house was still so filled with the scent of gunpowder and bombs. This clearly shows the enormous amount of ammunition which was used by the police for this bloody murder. The house was a ruin.+Also the eviction of the upper floors by the house-owner Makbule Sirin, a short while before the start of the operation, gave from the beginning a clue for the strength of the attack which was to be expected. Also the statement from Rahsan Eren, who was arrested after the operation, give a clear picture of the massacre. +He said: When we entered the house, both were still alive. We could have taken them alive, but the orders came from the top.+ Rahsan Eren, who was forced to betrayal by torture and repression, told the public what she lived through by giving a press-conference in the Association for Human Rights on October 31, 1993.
November 26, 1993: Massacre in Haskoy.
The house that was raided by the police on November 26, 1993, did not belong to an organisation, it was already occupied by a family for ten years. The execution was carried out openly and careless. Before the operation the residents of Buklum Street in the district of Ciksalin were forced into their houses. The street was blocked and Erol Yalcin and Selma Dogan, who were inside the third floor of the Sivri-apartment, were surrounded by hundreds of policemen and officers of the special units. They were killed by their bullets. Because of the fact that the house did not belong to the organisation, the police could not seal the house and they did not have time enough to get rid of the evidence. The door was riddled with bullets. In Erol Yalcin’s room the wall was completely covered with bullet-holes, the room was riddled with machine-gun volleys. In the room where Selma Dogan was executed, on the contrary, there was only one bullet found which had hit the telephone. Selma was shot, point blank, behind the sofa were she hid.The deputy secretary from the Contemporary Association of Barristers in Istanbul published the results from post-mortem inquiry which became known on November 29. They show the massacre: +Three shots were fired at Selma Dogan. One bullet entered the left cheek, one the lower lip from the left, and the third one entered the skull. Erol Yalcin’s body was riddled with bullets; two bullets in the skull, two bullets in the right arm and the leg, on in the left hip, one in the chest, two in the abdomen and the ribs, two in the left and right shoulder, and one in the neck, in all 11 bullets. Furthermore, it was established that three bullets passed through the body. As is made clear by the post-mortem inquiry, the only aim was to murder.+ Selma Dogan was the daughter of a family who has lived in the same house for ten years. That she was killed in her own house, only 18 years old, shows that the policy of executions has no limits. Erol Yalcin did not live in that house. Selma Dogan’s mother confirmed that Erol only came by occasionally. Sabiha Dogan, Elma’s mother, about the day of the execution: +On the evening of the execution I came home from work. It looked as if all the policemen from Istanbul were there. Something like this, I could never have imagined. When I approached the house, a policeman in civilian clothes came up to me and said: +Let’s go for a walk.+ I said: +Let me go home.+ Then they said: +That’s not possible now, there was a fire in your house.+ They wanted to keep me away from my house. They arrested my son and my oldest daughter. They took me to the station too. There they asked stubbornly whether I knew Erol.+ Sabiha Dogan also noticed a theft by the execution team during the operation: +The murderers who killed my daughter inside my house, plundered and robbed the house, they took two cameras, a bracelet and the jewellery.+ The first trial against the policemen who carried out the execution took place on April 21, 1994, before the 1st Chamber for Heavy Crimes in Beyoglu. All the accused officers were there and the court ordered a news-blockade. The executioners were protected and it was prevented that they became known to the public. Sabiha Dogan, who was accompanied by families from TIYAD and lawyers, was attacked at the entrance of the court-house and arrested. While this shows the indifference of the executioners, the examining magistrate from the public-prosecutors office, wanted to show that he was behind the massacre by ordering the beating of Sabiha Dogan.
March 1994: Murder at the policestation
Velat Han GÜLSENOGLU was arrested in March, 1994, and brought to the police station. There he was shot. The super-intendent from the station claims that at the time of the event, no officers were present. GULSENOGLU was wounded by shots in the neck, was brought to the hospital, where he died as a result of his wounds. An eye-witness reports that GULSENOGLU was brought to the hospital in the trunk of a car and left there for his fate. It was said that he was not treated. The lawyers of the Human Rights Association, Eren Keskin, Filiz Kustal, Ayhan Erkan and Erdal Canakci investigated the case. It was found that Velat Han GULSENOGLU was first forced to kneel and then shot through the neck.
May 17, 1994: Maksut Polat was executed.
Maksut Polat was murdered on May 17, 1994, in Adana Yesilevler. When he got out of a mini-bus, he was shot at. Eye-witnesses describe the event: +They shot him, without warning, from a very short distance, when he got out of the mini-bus. There was no fight.+ The commander of this operation, as well as of many other operations, Ramazan Er, was the former chief-of-police in Diyarbakir. He is also the chief responsible for the contra-guerrilla operations in Diyarbakir. When he became chief-of-police in Adana, the number of +murders by unknown perpetrators+ rose especially in the Kurdish parts of town. The murder of Maksut Polat shows that Ramazan Er and his killertroops are responsible for these murders.
August 4, 1994: Massacre in Bagcilar.
On August 4, 1994, a house was surrounded in Istanbul-Bagcilar by Anti-Terror Units and stormed with heavy weapons. Three revolutionaries, Huseyin Arslan, Guner Sar and Ozlem Kilic were murdered. The operation began at approximately 2.20 a.m. and lasted for approximately six hours. Handgrenades and heavy weapons were used. After the operation, the house looked like a ruin. +The police came at night. They asked who lived on the top-floor. When they heard the description, they said: +Yes, that’s them.+ They rang the bell and when the door was not opened they just when in and started shooting. They did not warn them before,+ says the son of the house-owner. A delegation from fellow-workers from different papers, magazines and human rights organisations wanted to start an investigation in the house after the operation. However, this was not allowed.Post-mortem inquiries revealed that the deceased were first killed by bombs and later shot. Zeki Ruzgar, a lawyer from the People’s Lawyers Office, was present during the post-mortem inquiry. He said that the corpses of the murdered showed many signs of wounds by shots and bombs, and he stated: +The physicians established that the wounds by the bombs and the bullets were inflicted simultaneously. After they threw the bombs, they must have started shooting immediately.+The board from EGIT-SEN (Education and training Union) stated that the victims were sen Several democratic mass-organisations protested against this massacre in their statements and pointed out that the police uses heavy weapons in these kind of operations which are normally only used in wars, while the victims could have been taken alive by means of sedation.The Human Rights Association in Istanbul stated that this operation was an act of terror, conducted by the state. The Human Rights Association in Izmir protested against the bloodbath and stated that they would not call for an explanation of the case, because the people who were responsible for this crime were known anyway.
September 1994: Rifat Ozgungor murdered in Sivas.
The former agent of Mucadele in Sivas, Rifat Ozgungor, was murdered in Hafik, a suburb of Sivas. The murderers and their collaborators keep silent. They say that they can’t give an explanation as officials from the state. +Your son’s body is in the hospital in Sivas. Come and get him.+ The family was the first to hear about Ozgungor’s death. On September 16, the family was phoned by the gendarmerie in Sivas. Without any explanation the family was told about their son’s death. When they went to the hospital to collect their son’s body, they saw that the hospital was surrounded by police. Their questions about the circumstances of their son’s death and why he was brought to the hospital, remained unanswered. In a report, prepared by the gendarmerie, it was said that Ozgungor seized a weapon from one of de gendarmes and committed suicide.The people who went to collect his body, found a mutilated corps. He was tortured. The whole front part of his foot was cut off. The wrists showed signs of handcuffs. Under a rib on the left side was a deep wound and on the right side of his sexual organs was a shotwound. On the back side of his head, swellings were visible.
Massacre in Besiktas.
In September 28, 1994, three revolutionaries were executed in a caf, in a neighbourhood of Istanbul, in front of many witnesses.Physicians pointed out that +The police always come to us with their own scenarios.+ The police took their fingerprints immediately after their execution. The physicians who conducted the post-mortem inquiry said about this: +The bodies come to us with the scenarios, invented by the police. They took the fingerprints from the victims. Now we can not conduct an inquiry.+ The lawyers from the People’s Lawyers Office gave a statement, based on the post-mortem inquiry report. It says: +It was determined that the victims were killed in a sitting position. Especially the shots through the head on Fat Erdogan, shot from both sides, and the angle of those shots, strengthen this suspicion. This was an execution on the spot. It is a lie that the victims were armed.+ An eye-witness from the execution: +It is always said that the police first gives warnings before they start shooting. That’s what always said. After each operation, the police has to be admired! The people are said to have supported the police by shouting slogans! That’s what we’ve heard many times. I knew it was a lie, but that day I witnessed the lie myself and I cursed them. The execution I witnessed went like this: Suddenly I noticed something was going on in the neighbourhood of the caf,. It was like a war had broken out. I thought the whole policeforce of Istanbul was there. Suddenly hundreds of policemen and plain clothes officers surrounded the caf,. They had pistols and machine-guns in their hands. The surroundings of the caf, were blocked. Suddenly several officers went inside the cafe and started shooting without any warning. It didn’t even last a few minutes. The officers came out again and the yelled, filled with joy, +We’ve sent them to hell+. After that the chief-of-police from Istanbul, Necdet Menzir, came to the scene himself. He came to get the reports from his officials. The policemen were very happy about their performance. They smoked and made jokes. Four lawyers, two journalists and a female union activist who protested against the bloodbath, were arrested.
October 8, 1994: The Sultanciftligi Massacre.
In the night of October 8, 1994, a house was surrounded and stormed by the police in Sultanciftligi in Istanbul. Guler Ceylan and Ibis Demir were killed in this operation. At 9.45 p.m. the police had made their preparations. They adjusted their radio equipment because they didn’t want the press to be there to soon. Only 3-4 hours later the press and the television heard about the massacre. Only after the police had changed the scene in the way they wished to present it, and the state prosecutor had arrived, did they allow the press enter. About the details of the massacre: +no explanation+
October 14, 1994: Massacre in Adana.
The police in Adana declared on October 14, 1994, that Leyla Orhan and Asim Aydemir had been killed in a armed fight with the police. Eye-witnesses, however, state that the police shot at the two people without any warning. Leyla Orhan’s family said their daughter was not involved in politics and that the murderers had planted a weapon in her hand after they murdered her. They should be hold responsible for this.
October 26, 1994, Mersin: Ahmet Ozturk and Zeynep Gultekin were murdered.
Anti-Terror Units stormed a house in Mersin. Two revolutionaries were killed and one revolutionary was wounded. At approximately 4.30 p.m, the former agent of the paper MÜcadele, Ahmet Ozturk, phoned the headoffice of this paper in Istanbul. He said that his house was surrounded by the police. Ozturk gave the address of his house and wanted to have the lawyers in Adana and Mersin notified. The democratic mass organisations and the press organs were immediately informed. After a few hours it was known that Ahmet Ozturk and Zeynep Gultekin had been murdered. Sevgi Erdogan was brought to hospital, wounded. The siege continued for several hours and therefore one could not get further information about the execution. Sevgi Erdogan and Ahmet Ozturk had been threatened with murder by the police several times. Sevgi Erdogan’s husband was executed by the police on July 12, 1991.
January 1995: Faik Candan was murdered.
The lawyer Faik Candan left his office in Ankara Sihhiye on January 2, 1995.Nobody heard from him again until his body was found on January 14 in Bala, a suburb of Istanbul.Candan was chairman of de DEP (Democratic Party) in Ankara for a while. When he disappeared a lot of efforts were taken to get information about his whereabouts. The Barrister’s Chamber in Ankara called upon the minister of the Interior and the minister of Justice to take action in the Candan’s case. The questions and summons remained unanswered. The chief-of-police, who first denied that Candan had been arrested, later made remarks about his fate. +Of course, there has to be a punishment for him working in an illegal organisation.+ Because of the pressure from friends and acquaintances of Candan, one member of parliament looked into the case. The answer from the chief-of-police to the parliamentarians questions: +Do not look for this man. Why are you looking for him? He is a dangerous person. He has contacts with a terrorist organisation.+ These words reveal the murderers. On January 16, the Contemporary Barristers Association came with a statement. They protested against the murder of Candan. +Our lives are in danger …+
In Diyarbakir four students from TODEF (the Federation of Student Associations in Turkey) were murdered.
In Diyarbakir four students were murdered by state security forces on February 12, 1994. The People’s Lawyers Office investigated this case and prepared a report. According to this report it was clear that the development of events and the eye-witnesses accounts indicate an execution. According to the official explanation a house in Diyarbakir was stormed which was inhabited by members from a banned organisation. The police was said to have summoned the people inside to surrender. Because they did not do so, it came to an armed conflict. However, fact is that the murdered studied in Diyarbakir already for four years. The houses and the student-apartments, occupied by the students, were known to the police. The police had no intention to take them alive. On the contrary: from the outset they intended to murder them. At around 3 p.m., Reyhan and his girlfriend Nuray came from an exam. Nuray was arrested, Reyhan was not. She was executed by the police on the same evening. The house was not a hidden base of support of a illegal organisation, as was claimed by the police. The house was inhabited by Reyhan and Nuray. Huseyin and Selim lived in a student-apartment, Refik in an housing estate. Metin Narin from the People’s Lawyers Office declared about this: +They established more than one hundred bullets in Selim’s and Refik’s bodies. This alone is proof that this was an execution. The bodies were not thoroughly examined during the post-mortem inquiry, it was just a formal inquiry. In these cases, the inquiry is extremely important to find out the truth. In this case there was no inquiry and the proof finding was hindered. The state prosecutor himself has prevented the post-mortem inquiry.+
Aysenur Simsek was arrested and murdered under torture.
On January 24, 1995, Aysenur Simsek was kidnapped by the police. Her family and her lawyers went to the chiefs of police in Ankara and Amasya to get some information about the whereabouts of Simsek. They all answered: +She is not registered here as arrested.+ Aysenur Simsek was sought by the police. Shortly before her disappearance her family was phoned by the police. A super-intendent told them: +Your daughter is active in the organisation, we know that. She works in the Topkat area. You have contact, bring her to us or something bad will happen to her.+ Aysenur Simsek studied pharmaceutics in Ankara. After her study, she was an active unionist. She founded SAGLIK-SEN (health care union) in Ankara. Because of her activities she was arrested twice and tortured. The People’s Lawyers Office did their best to find out her whereabouts. Yasar Turk, the chief state prosecutor of the State Security Court told the lawyers: +When you do not have a full power of attorney, I can not give you any information.+ On April 12, the family was informed about the place where Aysenur Simsek was buried. The post-mortem inquiry showed that she was killed on January 29, 1995, by three bullets, shot from a close range. One bullet hit her head, one a knee, and one hit her chest. Aysenur Simsek was kidnapped, tortured and murdered by the police.
THE GAZI MASSACRE.
On March 12, 1995, Gazi Mahalle Istanbul went through a massacre. Three caf,s and a candy bakery were shot from a passing car. A 61 year old man died and many people were wounded. Although the police station was only a few hundred meters away, it took the police 20 minutes to arrive at the scene. The responsible officers claim that no one was at the station at the time because the police men were at a football-game, taking care of security. This shows that this bloodbath was state policy. The state does not care to capture the murderers, on the contrary, they want to protect them. Gazi is slum area in Istanbul. Democratic and revolutionary ideas have a long tradition in this neighbourhood. The population is largely from the Alevite creed of Islam. The people, as in all the other slums, are in opposition to the government. This district was especially selected for the massacre. They wanted to terrorise and oppress the population. The people answered with a rebellion. The uprising started in the night of the attack and lasted for three days. For the first time in Turkey’s history the partition between the people and the state was this clear. The population demanded the murderers. With the knowledge that the murderers are protected by the state, thousands of people marched to the police station. In the night of March 12, the people were fired upon by an armoured car. Mehmet Gunduz died as a result of head injuries. The police wanted to make clear to the people: When you resist, you will be killed! The balance of the first day: One dead and several wounded. A eye-witness recalls: +The search-lights of the armoured cars were directed at us, suddenly they started shooting at us. Mehmet Gunduz fell on a sand-bag. He was bleeding from a head wound.+ On March 13, a curfew was declared in Gazi. In spite of this curfew, the hundreds of policemen and the 5.000 soldiers who attacked, more and more people joined the resistance. Around 3 p.m. the police opened fire on the crowd and started using tanks and the military. State violence took extreme action against the population. 26 people were murdered by fire-arms. More than 300 people were wounded. Even the transportation of the wounded was hindered. On March 14, many democratic groups and organisations called for a demonstration in Ankara. At noon 5.000 people gathered for the demonstration. The barricades, built by the police in front of the parliament building, were overrun by the people. Three people were murdered and countless people were wounded. On March 15, 20.000 people took part in the funeral of the victims from the past days. Again 7 people got wounded by police bullets. In the district of Bir Mayis 4 people were murdered by police fire-arms. The police fired directly on the people. The wounded were trampled down by the officers, tortured and even executed. Sezgin Engin, Zeynep Poyraz, Mehmet Gunduz, Veis Kopal, Dilek Sevinc, Fadime Bingol, Ali Yildirin, Mumtaz Kaya, Fvzi Tunc, Dincer Yilmaz, Hasan Sel, Ismihan Yuksel, Ismail Baltaci, Genco Demir and Ali Cabuk were murdered by police bullets.After several months there were +charges+ against the police officers Adem Albayrak, Metin Gundogan, Hamdi Özata, Hasan Yavuz, Isa Bostan, Suleyman Memisci, Sedat Ozenir, Hayrullah Sisman, Ali Dogan, Metin Cakmaz, Yakup Murat, Ibrahim Serdar, Orhan Dervis, Mehmet Turk, Mustafa Keles, Ugur Duran, Selcuk Bicer, Ali Ulukus, Ahmet Turkmen, and Yetkin Korkut. They were not even arrested. As in all other executions-trials, these officers were acquitted.
Hasan Ocak was kidnapped and murdered.
On March 21, Hasan Ocak was arrested in Istanbul by officers from the Anti- Terror Department. Nevertheless, they denied his arrest. His family and the democratic mass organisations demanded an official explanation from the government. The authorities stated they would take care of the matter. The government tried to prevent the efforts by the family and arrested Hasan’s mother, Emine Ocak. The minister of the Interior, Nahit Mentese, delivered a statement in the daily +Cumhuriyet+, where he said that Hasan Ocak was arrested on March 21. However, he was taken out of his sphere of influence, according to the minister. By doing so, the authorities who claimed until then that they didn’t have a clue about Ocak’s whereabouts, were portrayed as a bunch of liars. His brother and people who were next to Hasan Ocak moved everything to get information about the kidnapping of Hasan. They went to ministers, for example to: Kamer Genc, Sinan Yerlikaya, to the former minister for Human Rights, Azimet Koyluoglu, the present minister for Human Rights, Algan Hacaloglu, and to many members of parliament. The minister for Human Rights phoned to the Anti-Terror Department on April 3, and asked for Hasan Ocak and Hasan Polat. They answered that neither was arrested. This was published in the press and accepted on the same evening.Later Huseyin Ocak, Hasan’s brother, explained: +The minister and the members of parliament which we approached said they couldn’t do anything. Kamer Genc said she addressed the governor and the chief of police and they answered he wasn’t there. They were also forced to believe this. Hikmet Cetin said it was in his responsibility, but he couldn’t prevent it. Hasan Ocak was arrested on March 21 during the Newroz-festivities in Aksaray Yenikapi. The police denied his arrest. There are witnesses he saw him at the police station in Vatan Street. A prisoner in the Bayrampasa Prison gave written testimony to the State Security Court: +On March 23, 1995, I saw Hasan Ocak in the police station in Istanbul. He just came back from interrogation. He was in bad condition when they brought him.+ The eye-witness, Bilgi Camekan, who was in prison, saw Hasan’s name on a list when they were taking his fingerprints. He was willing to give testimony, but this was not allowed. In spite of all the efforts, the eye-witnesses and the evidence, it was denied that Hasan Ocak was arrested. Hasan Ocak was strangled after five days on March 26, 1995. His body was found in Beykoz, near Bozhane Koyu. Huseyin Ocak established that the people who discovered Hasan’s body warned the state prosecution and the gendarmes. But the state prosecutor tried to hide the whole case for the public and wanted a quick post-mortem inquiry. The body was kept for 28 days in the morgue. Then the body was buried in a grave for unknown people and the cemetery in Kucukcekmece Altinsehir. Huseyin Ocak identified his brother on pictures which were taken in the morgue.The arrest of Hasan Ocak, who was tortured and killed, is denied by the government. Hasan’s fingerprints, in their possession, and the fact that they hid his body for one and a half month proof that the state was involved in this murder.
Massacre in Antep.
On April 4, 1995, at noon, Demet Taner was murdered by the police and the special units in the garden of Muzaffer Hafiz Street no. 6, house no. 3 in the district of Inonu. At 10 p.m., the same day, Huseyin Coskun was murdered at the Buryolu crossing.The police claim one person was shot when he was hanging a banner on a construction site where it came to an armed confrontation. But on the spot where the execution took place, there was neither a construction site, nor a banner. Five people from the Platform for Rights and Freedom in Istanbul and Adana went to Antep on April 7. Later, people from the Association Freedom and Human Rights/Antep, representatives from HADEP/Antep, revolutionary democratic workers, civil servants and students joined the delegation. After examining the house and hearing witnesses, the delegation stated: +Demet Taner was wounded on the street at 10 a.m. when she wanted to empty her dust-bin and she was then murdered in her garden. Several bullet-holes were found on the spot and where Demet Taner was killed the garden-hose was teared up on 5-6 places. On the walls of the houses, several bullet-holes and blood-spatters were found. During the investigation of the case from Hueyin Coskun we found that there was no construction site on the spot. There is absolutely nothing, except for a abandoned house. Besides from the fact that there couldn’t have been an armed confrontation from there, it was impossible to hang a banner there.+According to other sources, Huseyin Coskun was arrested in the morning and murdered in an other part of town. Everything was staged to look like an armed confrontation! The differing statements from the police and the state of the claimed place of events, confirm our statement.The state prosecutor of Gazianteppe, D. Ali Dursun, assigned the case against the murderers, Ibrahim Guresci, Vakkas Gul, Onal Nacar, Savas Ozbek, Huseyin Donmez and Necit Yur to the State Security Court. His motivation: this trial was beyond his competency. The state prosecutor of the State Security Court also protected the killers. It took him only one day to decide about the case.
Massacre in Batikent, Ankara.
April 12, 1995. Ankara Batikent Kardelen Mah. Haritacilar Sitesi, block 13, house no. 10. 9 o’clock p.m. Mustafa Selcuk, Sirin Erol and Seyhan Ayyildiz were executed. As always, the responsible authorities said: +Summons by the police were answered with fire. The militants were caught dead.+ The delegation from the Platform for Rights and Freedom concluded: +The responsible official said there was an armed confrontation during this operation and the operation was described as a big success. That’s how they try to justify the bloodbath. When there was a confrontation, then this would serve as a justification for the massacres which are supported by the state. At the investigation of the house it was established that there wasn’t a confrontation at all… The evidence shows that Mustafa Selcuk, Sirin Erol, and Seyhan Ayyildiz were executed while they were lying on the floor. Sixty- four bullet-wounds were found in the bodies of the murdered revolutionaries. That shows that the house was stormed on purpose to kill the revolutionaries. In the house there is no indication of a confrontation. All the windows were unbroken, the furniture was whole and stood on his place. There were only the bullet-holes from the police who fired at the house to suggest a confrontation.The press-statement from the democratic mass organisations in Batikent says: +The fight didn’t last for one hour as was stated in the press. This operation, conducted by the police, only lasted for five minutes and was from the outset intended on murder. This is a major disgrace. It’s a disgrace for humanity!+ The press-statement was a joined statement from the Teacher’s Association in Batikent, the Artist’s Association in Batikent, the Association of Journalists in Batikent, the Pir Sultan Abdal Association and the Theatre Club from Batikent.After the massacres, the inquiry was assigned to the prosecutor of the State Security Court, Nuh Mete Yuksel. Zeynep Firat, Mustafa Selcuk’s lawyer, demanded on April 15 that the prosecutor would be withdrawn from the case. In her request she wrote: +In former trials of this sort, conducted by Nuh Mete Yuksel, there were no charges and the policemen were all acquitted. We have no trust in him. Birtan Altunbas, for instance, was murdered under torture. Nuh Mete Yuksel was the responsible state attorney in this case. He did not even hand over the post-mortem inquiry report to the family. When we started working on that, he did not give any attention to our request. Furthermore, in the cases of the massacres in Kucukesat and Maltepe (Ankara) he refused to hand over the bodies of the revolutionaries to the families and our demand for the post-mortem inquiry reports were again dismissed. Therefore we believe that he is not capable of investigating this case in an objective manner. Besides. this case is not in his domain. We demand that he is withdrawn from this case. The Constitution, the laws and international treaties contain clear guidelines in these cases.+
Ridvan Karakoc who was arrested and killed.
In the last five years about 500 Democrats and Revolutionary People were kidnapped by policemen, tortured and following murdered. After Aysenur Simsek and Hasan Ocak, now they added one more name to this list.Ridvan Karakoc has been apprehended in Istanbul, tortured, killed and after buried in a wood. His dead body was found by farmers. According to the autopsy report of the Medicolegal Institute, Karakoc has been tortured and after strangled.Following the autopsy, his body was carried off from the morgue and again buried, but this time at the cemetery of the nameless in the district Ikitelli.The Department of Public Prosecution of Beyoz retained, there neither was founded a identification by the body nor something else, that could call the identity of this man.+On the strength of his finger-prints+ they got his identity. But instead of informing the family of Ridvan Karakoc, his dead body was kidnapped and hidden buried.
9th of June 1995. Sibel Yalcin was killed.
On 9th of June 1995 it came to an armed conflict between policemen, which kept guard before the Istanbul Central of party in power DYP (Party of the Right Way), and the warriors of DHKC.Following the DHKC-fighters were chased by police. One of them, Sibel Yalcin, has been surrounded by hundred of policemen, when she positioned in a house in the Yildirim Street in Mahmut Sevket Pasa (Okmeydani) District. The house was stormed by special unities with hard weapons and Sibel Yalcin has been killed.By this activity also citizens of this district were threaten by police. The persons, which were inside this house before the assault and brought away by Sibel at the right moment, have been apprehended brutal.The police, the governor and the public prosecutor refused for days, to give the dead body of Sibel to her family. It seemed, like the state would hold the body of Sibel as hostage in the state medical morgue. Lot of these people, which demanded the delivery of Sibel’s body to bury her in honour, have been apprehended, tortured and threaten by dead. Also the media, which reported about those events, have been handicapped and the reports censored.
The police bases its murderous crimes usually on so-called anonymous hints. However, notes about these anonymous phone-calls, are almost never produced. It is routine that weapons used by policemen during operations are registered. However, when they were used for murder, this was not done. The protocol of the scene of the crime was only signed by the policemen who were responsible for the murders and massacres. The state prosecution takes great care the policemen remove all the evidence for the crime. They already take a lot of time for visiting the scene of the crime and the start of the investigation.The police and the prosecution try, over and over again, to keep away the press, lawyers, and independent delegations from the scene of the crime and hinders them.Judges and prosecutors who do not act as the police pleases are put under pressure: The chairman of the Penal Court in Diyarbakir stepped down during a trial against a policeman because he was afraid for his life. Also a public prosecutor, leading an investigation against the substitute security director was threatened. He complained at the president with the words: “My life is no longer secure.”It is easy to establish in many murder-cases and massacres that they were planned beforehand by the police. However, the judges and prosecutors make no effort to solve the crimes: the offers are acquitted.Censorship against the press makes also sure these crimes and events remain unsolved and hidden for the public. Because of this reality and the pressure, used by the state with all legal and illegal means to protect the police, it is impossible for the judges and prosecutors in Turkey to work in an independent and objective manner. Murders and massacres have become state policy. Statements by people from the highest circles of state are proof. Turgut Özal stated in the newspaper CumhÜriyet, October 9, 1990: “We cannot allow to keep the terrorist alive!” Thereupon the then minister of the Interior, AbdÜlkadir Aksu, stated in the same paper, October 16: “The president has given his permission. We will evaluate this permission and act accordingly.”The situation has become even worse during the last years with governments which became more and more “democratic”. Every initiative and every effort for democratic demands is met with state-violence.Turkey is nowadays a country were people are confronted with violence and repression on a daily basis. A country, where it is a crime in the eyes of the state when people demand their rights. A country, where the police murders people shamelessly. A country, where the cries of the tortured are impossible to ignore. Where can one find right and justice in a country like that? To end this boundless freedom to murder by the state, we demand all killings, murders and massacres by state security forces to be handled by public and independent courts who are legitimized by all democratic forces. Furthermore, the trials which ended with acquittals for the murderers have to be handled by these courts again.When the murders by the state remain without punishment, the terror against the people in Turkey will continue. It is the responsibility of each and every individual to make a contribution for change.